Henry Tudor’s victory at Bosworth Field was an unlikely outcome. The young earl of Richmond had lived in exile abroad since he was fourteen years old. He also had a relatively weak claim to the throne and a modest army of supporters, some 2000 mercenaries and a handful of rebells . His opponent, Richard III, was an experienced military leader. He commanded the larger of the two armies and he also had a strong claim to the throne.
The causes of Richard’s defeat are easy to pinpoint. First, there was Margaret Beaufort, Henry’s mother. This formidable woman, who gave birth to Henry when she was just thirteen years old, had married a powerful nobleman, Lord Stanley. Stanley was her forth husband and more than likely, this was a marriage of convenience, putting Margaret in a position to drum up support for her son. Notably, she conspired with the widow of Edward IV, Elizabeth Woodville, when it became apparent that Richard was determined to hold on to the throne and that his nephews were more than likely dead.
Although Stanley initially sided with Richard, on the battlefield, he had an apparent change of heart and stepped in to assist his son-in-law.
Second, there was the small matter of the of the princes in the tower. Richard had a very strong blood claim to the throne and evidence that his nephews were illegitimate. Public opinion turned against him, however, when the murder of the princes became public knowledge. Evidence of a precontract, invalidating the marriage between Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville was compelling, but the death of the princes, proven or otherwise, was enough to present Richard as a ruthless tyrant. It undercut many years of loyal service to his brother, Edward IV, and his strong track record as a landowner and military leader in the north of England.
Two years into Richard’s reign, in 1485, Henry Tudor received financial support to orchestrate a rebellion and was convinced that he would be able to drum up sufficient support to challenge Richard. In addition to 2000 hired mercenaries, Henry could count of the support of the Earl of Oxford and his uncle, Jasper Tudor, who also brought together a small band of followers from within England.
Henry landed in Pembrokeshire on August 7th and began to march through Wales towards Richard’s army, situated near Nottingham.
As a central location, the town of Nottingham afforded Richard something of a strategic advantage. He had been aware of the planned invasion for some time and knew he had to reach the rebels quickly, wherever they landed. Given the mood in the country at the time, time would certainly work against the king. He was aware of the waverying loyalties among the nobility, many of whom were disturbed by the disappearance of Edward IV’s sons. In particular, Lord Stanley asked to be able to return home to his estates when it became clear that Henry Tudor was approaching with an army.
Stanley’s loyalties were clearly divided and Richard only agreed to let him return home if he agreed to leave his son in Richard’s custody, as a hostage for his father’s good behavior.
While Richard began collecting together his army, however, Lord Stanley and his brother, Sir William Stanley, did little to intervene on Richard’s behalf. They did not attempt to stop Henry Tudor’s progress towards Richard, for instance.
Richard had the support of several key noblemen, including the Duke of Norfolk and his son, and the Earl of Surrey. On the other hand, Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was doing little to raise an army from among his men and many other nobles were likewise ignoring the royal summons. Whether this was due to their negative opinion of Richard or their unwillingness to go on fighting after several decades of such discord, it is difficult to say. Support, however, was not forthcoming to either Richard or Henry to the extent that they had each expected.
On August 22nd, Richard and Henry prepared to fight near the village of Market Bosworth. By that point, Richard commanded approximately 9000 men. Henry Tudor had roughly 5000. Hedging their bets were Sir William Stanley and Thomas, Lord Stanley with 6000 men between them.
Ultimately, the outcome of the battle was decided quickly. According to Polydore Vergil, a prominent chronicler of the period, the battle lasted about two hours. The Stanleys were notably non-committal but it seemed that many of the noblemen commanding armies were reluctant to fight for either side without having some sense of who was likely to triumph.
In reality, Richard was the favorite — right until the last minute. First, the Duke of Norfolk, one of Richard’s key supporters, was killed. This apparently produced some cries from among Richard’s men that they should flee.
Richard, however, decided to seize an opportunity to kill Henry Tudor himself, who was somewhat exposed in the midst of the fighting. Proving his worth as a military leader, Richard charged to engage Henry. Although this might sound like a rash move, it was tactically brilliant. It looked likely that Henry would indeed be killed. In fact, Richard’s maneuvor resulted in the death of many of the men surrounding Henry, including his standard bearer Sir William Brandon.
The Stanleys, however, were prepared to take a risk of their own. Sir William Stanely, still watching from the sidelines, saw Richard’s plan and an opportunity to cut him off from his main army. Richard was cut down before he could reach Henry and brutally murdered, along with many of his household bodyguards who tried to save him.
The relevance of this single event to the unfolding of the next seventy-three years is crucial. It demonstrated a number of things about the fragility of the crown in England, the dangers posed by rival claimants, and the potential for power play among the nobility. As king, Henry VII would certainly apply what he likely learned on this day. He worked hard to build the power of the crown, spending lavishly on creating a court that branded him and his family as the rightful rulers of the kingdom. It was no coincidence, for example, that Henry’s first son was named Arthur, after the legendary hero of British folklore. He also worked hard to amass a small fortune, working to keep the crown independent of parliament and the nobility as much as possible. He also curbed the power of the nobles, securing acts of attainder against most of those who had fought for Richard and only agreeing to restore rights to land and property when loyalties had been sufficiently proven.
Henry also made strategic alliances to nullify rival claims to the throne. His marriage to Elizabeth of York, for instance, is still noted as a key unification of the major rival factions, the House of Lancaster, represented by Henry, and the House of York, represented by Elizabeth, Edward IV’s daughter.
The marriage between Arthur and Catherine of Aragon also testifies to Henry’s efforts to build foreign credibility and prestige for England. Catherine was the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, two of the most powerful rulers of the period. Similarly, allying Margaret, his eldest daughter, to the Scottish King, and vying for Mary’s marriage to the king of France, Henry demonstrated his interest in unifying the country and avoiding foreign wars; he sought to achieve prowess through diplomacy rather than military conquest.
Henry VIII, of course, was decidedly different from his father in temperament. He was keen to engage in foreign wars and sought to achieve prowess by attacking England’s traditional rival, France. He was also far less practical minded about building meaningful alliances through marriage. His relationship with Catherine of Aragon, when it deteriorated and there was evidence that they would have no more children, was not something that he sought to manage as his father might have done. Four of Henry’s six marriages were with English-born women. Aside from limiting the potential for developing foreign alliances, this preference for English wives also created factions. The influence of Anne Bolyen’s family (and she was the highest born of the four), lead to the creation of a particularly powerful faction within the government, one that spurned on reforms and the dissolution of the monasteries.
Henry’s thirst for war also weakened the crown financially. Despite the gains made through the redistribution of church lands, when Edward VI inherited the throne, the country was facing considerable financial problems.
The religious upheaval of Henry VIII’s reign also had dramatic repercussions for his children and again appeared to compromise much of Henry VII’s work to create unity and stability in England. At the very least, the creation of the English church and the unique identity it developed, left many disenfranchised. Catholics were opposed to the religious changes, for obvious reasons. Protestants, too, never found the reforms sufficient to match their beliefs. Furthermore, the religious divisions created political and social divisions as well, and established rival claimants to the throne. Mary had to contend with her half-sister as a serious threat to her position; Lady Jane Grey was also used as a pawn to exploit the fundamental differences of religion between Edward VI and Mary, who, according to his father’s will, at least, was to be his heir.
Elizabeth, too, faced threats from rival claimants. Although few could argue that she was unsuccessful at managing those elements throughout her reign, she had to take them seriously.
The Tudors certainly contributed to the development of England and the UK in many different ways, but they also struggled with a particular problem that can be traced back to how Henry Tudor became king.

